when the dust clears

Words about and images of matters political, social, and military

Archive for the ‘NYC’ Category

Juneteenth, African Burial Ground, New York City, June 19, 2013

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Here’s the piece I shot and wrote for Parade.com on the day of.

From the BXP photo archive: David Duke, white supremacist/GOP office holder, July 4, 1991

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Man holding Nazi-era sign at rally for David Duke. Translation is "The Jew: War Agitator. War Perpetuater." New Orleans, LA, July 4, 1991

Man holding Nazi-era sign at rally for David Duke. Translation is “The Jew: War Agitator. War Perpetuater.” New Orleans, LA, July 4, 1991

I’d already been thinking a lot about the Ku Klux Klan when the publication of Anthony Karen’s new photo book, White Pride, was announced. When slavery and the Civil War ended, the Klan swept in to preserve the South’s social, political, and economic order by terrorizing the newly freed, who might have been tempted to exercise their new rights. Karen’s gentle comments to an interviewer about the “pro-America” folks who flock to the group and its white supremacist brother/sister organizations struck—actually hammered—a nerve.

I remember photographing “Dukefest” in 1991, on the Fourth of July no less, in New Orleans. Louisiana state legislator David Duke—also founder of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the National Association for White People—was firing up a campaign for governor. The shape-shifting Duke was as slick as goose excrement, playing up his equal-rights-for-downtrodden-whites rhetoric and downplaying his Nazi uniform-wearing and Klan-klothed days. Some of Duke’s adherents, however, didn’t get the play-nice-for-the-camera memo. They did what they could to jostle the out-of-town reporters, spill beer on us. Thankfully, the cops knew the drill and prevented anything untoward from happening. They made it safe enough for Danny Schecter, me, and other non-Aryans to document the scene: a crowd of white folks barbecuing and gamboling at the center of City Park in one of the blackest (as in African Americanest) cities in the U.S.

David Duke at a campaign event during his run for Louisiana governor. New Orleans, LA, July 4, 1991

David Duke at a campaign event during his run for Louisiana governor. New Orleans, LA, July 4, 1991

Duke was a manipulator, if not the most masterful one. He wasn’t urbane (or smart) enough to sanitize himself so he could slide into the mainstream of the Republican party. (There’s only so much scrubbing you can do to get rid of the stink of fascism.)

Duke appealed to a swath of disaffected, poor white folks who believed that affirmative action and other programs designed (sometimes poorly) to mitigate discriminatory practices and policies were the stake in the heart of their dreams.

But it would be condescending, one might say racist, to assume that Duke’s stalwart supporters didn’t know of his fascist roots. There were (and still are) plenty of conservative groups that don’t wave the flag of racism and anti-semitism. So one might assume that a fair portion of Duke’s followers were attracted to these very things in his barely concealed past.

I’m looking forward to seeing Karen’s book. I want to know if the photographer sees and works both compassionately and critically. I have no doubt that his subjects’ individuality and the circumstances of their lives may be interesting, even compelling. But a book focused on members of America’s oldest terrorist organization must also explore its subjects’ relationship to the Klan’s legacy of hate, brutality, and murder—a legacy they have chosen to embrace. Otherwise, it’s simply environmental portraiture—or propaganda.

“Whatever Happened to Occupy?”

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The Church of St. Luke and St. Matthew Episcopal in Ft. Greene, Brooklyn, has turned over the entire building, spaces sacred and less so, to Interoccupy, the network of Occupy groups coordinating an astoundingly big Sandy relief effort.

It’s a hub for training, donations, and distribution. Vans and cars pull up, drivers check in and get their assignments, vehicles get loaded with donated supplies—from water and warm clothing to tools and cleaning supplies—and volunteers roll out.

The question “whatever happened to Occupy” passed more than a few lips around the first anniversary of the original Occupy Wall Street at Zuccotti Park. This, it seems to me, is at least one answer. Its grassroots have been growing, enabling it to execute something truly remarkable and desperately needed.

Bring Your Own Symbolism

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Washington Avenue, Brooklyn NY, October 3, 2012

Written by bxpnyc

2012/10/03 at 11:47

Class War, not Nuclear [Power] War!

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Last week I attended what the Nuclear Regulatory Commission calls a “public meeting, open house” about its annual assessment of the Indian Point nuclear power plant—Indian Point Energy Center to its owner, Entergy.

Entergy supporter wearing the company colors before NRC “public meeting” on Indian Point, May 17, 2012

The NRC, which concluded in its report (pdf) that Indian Point operated safely during 2011, is not required to take any action based on feedback from citizens at these meetings. All that the six inspectors and administrators behind a table at the front of the packed ballroom had to do was weather two-plus hours of withering invective, quirky performance, and, straight, often impassioned, comment—some of it quite surprising. One gentleman who said he worked at the plant offered highly technical and damning testimony, complete with photos, about what he said was an ongoing “operating leak” at Indian Point. (He refused to tell me his name.) “We did write a violation,” an NRCer responded meekly. Apparently, writing violations doesn’t fix (alleged) leaks.

Man speaks about ongoing safety problems at Indian Point, May 17, 2012

I went because I smelled the potential for a second installment of my Colorlines story on Entergy’s astroturfing, the practice by major corporations of creating, funding, and controlling “community organizations” to push an agenda while hiding their parentage. A young antinuclear activist had contacted me to tell me she had met a group of people of color affiliated with an Entergy front group called SHARE at a hearing a few months before. The woman leading the SHARE entourage told members not to speak to her, the activist told me.

Marilyn Elie, cofounder of Westchester Citizens Awareness Network, hammers NRC administrators for granting excessive safety exemptions to Entergy—and for not doing business transparently, May 17, 2012

No such luck this time. There were very few folks of color assembled at the DoubleTree in Tarrytown, NY, for the May 17 meeting. One African American labor union member spoke in support of Indian Point, touching on the core argument of all pro-planters: Indian Point equals jobs. An African American antiplanter spoke in the cadences of a Baptist preacher to stress the dire safety issues associated with Indian Point. Yuko Tonohira, dressed in a white Tyvek hazmat suit with the Japanese character for death pinned to it, spoke of Fukushima, as did others, like Yuki Endo, who stepped up to the mic.

NRC’s Bill Dean responds to a question/accusation, May 17, 2012

Immediately, nakedly apparent was the class divide. Supporters of Indian Point, similarly clad in neat polo or t-shirts, some with labor union logos, and slacks or jeans, filled a pocket of seats on the left side of the hotel ballroom. The more diversely, even wackily, attired antiplanters sat to the right—and everywhere else. (There were also contingents of business suit-wearing local government officials and legislators who fell on both sides of the divide.) There was ample heckling, with the antis winning out because of their numbers and vehemence. But there was also listening, particularly to the sober presentations delivered by folks like Clearwater’s Manna Jo Green and New York state assemblyman Tom Abinanti (both anti) and many of the union workers.

WestCAN member and Clearwater board member Susan Shapiro addresses the meeting, May 17, 2012

Entergy’s spirit was invoked, to praise and damn, but Entergy as a corporate entity did not present itself. Odd, given that Jerry Nappi, Manager of Communications at Entergy/Indian Point Energy Center, attended the meeting. Instead, Entergy let their working-class proxies duke out with the lefties in what amounted to a largely pointless, in terms of impact, though cathartic event. Who needs to worry about astroturf when you aren’t even compelled to step onto the field?

Pedro Espada Jr., before the conviction

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Espada, former NY state senator from the Bronx, was found guilty “on four counts of stealing from non-profit medical clinics that received federal funding” Monday, according to an FBI release.

Pedro Espada Jr. speaks at a rally in Albany, NY, in support of the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights, January 12, 2012

NY legislators Assemblyman Keith L.T. Wright, state Senator Eric T. Schneiderman, and Espada at the rally, January 12, 2012

Albany watchers of different political persuasions, including Wayne Barrett, then of the Village Voice, accused now state Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman of being too cozy with Espada, though Schneiderman did call for him to step down later in 2010.

One of his more noble causes was to support the Domestic Worker’s Bill of Rights along with other legislators. Not sure how much comfort that will give him if he gets the maximum sentence, 10 years on each count, but it’s probably comforting to folks who cozied up to him, with noses held, to get the bill passed.

Written by bxpnyc

2012/05/16 at 13:34

ACT-UP’s 25th Anniversary in NYC

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The group may be a shadow of its 1980s, in-your-face self, but the march and demonstration marking the 25th anniversary of the first major action by the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power in Lower Manhattan today had some of the energy of the early days of the movement.

NYPD officers cut chains locking an activist from Housing Works to a chair during a direct action in front of NYC's City Hall, April 25, 2012

Hundreds of people gathered in front of City Hall to recognize one of the most powerful and effective activist/advocacy/education organizations of the late 20th century. Stalwarts from the early days like Jim Eigo, Bill Dobbs, and Larry Kramer were there, but younger folks from groups like VOCAL and Housing Works actually ran the show.

VOCAL’s Jaron Benjamin led the march downtown, negotiating all the way with a coolheaded African American NYPD Deputy Inspector and his boss, Assistant Chief Thomas Purtell. Housing Works spearheaded a direct action in front of City Hall Park. Members erected a mock apartment in the middle of Broadway to dramatize what Housing Works says are policies and practices of HASA, New York City’s HIV/AIDS Services Administration, that turn people living with AIDS into homeless people living with AIDS.

VOCAL NY organizer Miguel Adams chants at demonstration marking the 25th anniversary of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, April 25, 2012

There was solidarity and tumult—the usual push and pull between marchers who want to take the street and the cops who want to keep it clear—but there was something lacking that ACT-UP had in spades: focus.

Last month Democracy Now ran a long piece on the AIDS activism documentary How to Survive a Plague with clips of heavy-duty actions against the likes of the Federal Drug Administration and multinational pharma giant Merck (a target of VOCAL not too long ago). In it, ACTers UP like the late Bob Rafsky and Garance Franke-Ruta speak with passion, a sense of urgency, and an absolute command of the issues. They knew what they needed—speeded up trials for specific drugs and lower cost meds—and they communicated it clearly, succinctly, forcefully. They were eloquent. And they fought like their lives and those of their friends depended on their actions, because they did.

Larry Kramer, author/playwright/pioneering AIDS and LGBT activist, before the march and protest, April 25, 2012

Today’s demo reminded me first, how much the original ACT-UP accomplished—its work and that of other AIDS, queer, and lesbian groups made powerful people accountable and saved people’s lives—and second, that today’s activists, Occupiers, and citizens need to learn that history, in all brilliance and messiness.

99 Percent Spring in East Harlem

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VOCAL and Community Voices Heard held a training for the 99 Percent Spring at the Children’s Aid Society on 101st Street. By my count, 100+ people gathered in CAS’s auditorium. Many were members of established groups. Others found out through MoveOn.org.

A VOCAL member speaks at the 99 Percent Spring training at the Children's Aid Society, April 14, 2012

Spring kicked off with a letter released in February, signed by a who’s who of prominent progressives, union leaders, and community organizers. Its goals:

  1. Tell the story of our economy: how we got here, who’s responsible, what a different future could look like, and what we can do about it
  2. Learn the history of nonviolent direct action, and
  3. Get into action on our own campaigns to win change.

And that’s what I saw and heard: HIV/AIDS campaigners, advocates for domestic workers, immigrants, and low-income folks (many of whom ARE low-income folks), plus the unaffiliated of all races, ages, and orientations gathered to take the next Occupy Wall Street–inspired step.

Charles Young at Counterpunch, a left publication, calls 99 Percent Spring a “front group” for MoveOn and a Trojan horse for the Democratic Party. He claims that both aim to coopt and neuter the movement, suck all the radicalism of out it.

Young slams the effort based on an event he attended at the Goddard Riverside Community Center on the “Upper Left Side” of Manhattan.

“Inside the hall, it looked like an alumni reunion for the 1966 Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade. Almost all the 150 or so people were 55–80 years old. The ones I talked to expressed curiosity about Occupy Wall Street and enthusiasm about ‘nonviolent direct action’ but didn’t have the knees or the ears for full participation in OWS activities in the financial district,” he writes. Just a few weeks ago I attended a reading by author Fred Jerome at Goddard Riverside attended by several dozen people. At 47 years old, I was probably the youngest person in the room. Journalist Young might have considered that Goddard serves a heck of a lot of seniors, and they turn out, regardless of the event.

Will genuine direct action for social and economic justice grow out of the 99 Percent Spring? The proof will be on the streets. My bet is, after a year spent following VOCAL with camera and pen—witnessing arrests of its members at OWS demonstrations and its in-your-face protests against drug company execs—at least some of these Spring trainees will deliver.

Members of Adhikaar hold up a sketch of a model community @ 99 Percent Spring Training, April, 14, 2012

Organized labor demonstration for jobs and fairness, Union Square, December 1, 2011

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Union members—teachers, electricians, building cleaners, and many others—plus supporters, and hangers-on marched from Herald Square at 34th Street down Broadway to Union Square. The New York City Central Labor Council, an umbrella group, called for the Occupy Wall Street-inspired rally, “The March for Jobs and Economic Fairness.” The objective: “Fill the street from curb to curb so government and big business get our message: enough is enough,” said the press release. “It’s time to end the unfair economic policies in this country that benefit too few, and leave everyone else behind.”

And fill the streets they did, blocking traffic at one point. From what I saw at Union Square, though, it was a supremely orderly and low-key affair. After marchers flowed into the area around Union Square Park, some waving placards and banners, things kind of went coffee-klatchy, at least from my vantage points. Folks gathered in clusters and chatted. Sporadic, low-volume chanting emanated from the odd clump of people. The ubiquitous drum circle—sigh—did its percussive thing in one corner of the square. I did observe one less-than-low-key moment: a gentleman with unruly gray hair harangued a Fox News TV camera for the network’s anti-union bias. “They’re the worst!” he shouted, among other unkind things. Problem: there was no one behind or in front of the camera, only the lonely high technology device sitting atop a tripod. I assume the man was rehearsing for the arrival of the Foxians.

The rally also offered a boost to members of 32BJ SEIU, which voted today to give a bargaining committee strike authority. The union represents 22,000 office cleaners and commercial building workers who are resisting property owners’ conditions for a new contract. The union is negotiating with the Real Estate Advisory Board on Labor Relations, which represents commercial building owners and big cleaning companies, says 32BJ is asking for unrealistic wage hikes. Follow the links to read both sides of the conflict.

Union members march on Union Square

James, a retired union worker, at the end of the march. Tired.

"Rough on Rats"

Traffic, pedestrians, and union bagpipers

Written by bxpnyc

2011/12/01 at 21:35

Civilly disobedient citizens, their friends, minders, and arresters, November 17, 2011

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Arrest of Felix Rivera-Pitre, VOCAL activist punched by senior NYPD officer on October 4